Why Pakistan's war against terrorism is far from over
Four decades after the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan set today's security landscape in motion, the writer argues Pakistan still faces an evolving militant threat along its western border.
- Publication
- Pakistan Observer
- Author
- Muqaddam Khan
- Publication date
- 29 Jul 2026
Source citation: Muqaddam Khan. “Pakistan's long war against terrorism.” Pakistan Observer, 29 Jul 2026.
Original article · Source clipping 3
Pakistan's long war against terrorism
By Muqaddam Khan
Pakistan Observer · 29 Jul 2026
IT is true that a man thinks and plans one thing, and something else happens. Pakistan’s Afghan policymakers had to face the same fate during the 45-year war in Afghanistan.
When a bloody coup d’état was staged in April 1978 and the former Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan in December 1979, it was only the beginning, but no one predicted that the assembling of jihadist forces from across the world would shake global security to its core, changing the security paradigm, especially in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Various Pakistani analysts predicted that after the Russian withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Afghan Mujahideen would emerge victorious, marking the end of anti-Pakistan forces and the beginning of a new era of cordial relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. It was hoped that Peshawar would become a hub of trade for the landlocked Central Asian Republics, culminating in Pakistan’s economic prosperity.
After the suicide blast outside the district and sessions courts building in Islamabad in November last year, Defence Minister Khawaja Asif wrote on X: “We are in a state of war. Anyone who thinks that the Pakistan Army is fighting this war in the Afghan-Pakistan border region and remote areas of Balochistan should take today’s suicide attack at the Islamabad district courts as a wake-up call: this is a war for all of Pakistan…” Pakistan, in fact, faces a long war against terrorism and jihadist forces. Firstly, when it comes to Pakistan, Al-Qaeda, the Afghan Taliban and other jihadist forces embrace each other, allegedly receiving support from hostile external actors. Pakistan believes that Israel and India remain among its deadliest adversaries and exploit every opportunity to weaken the country by backing anti-Pakistan militant groups. The agenda to destabilize Pakistan, cripple its economy and isolate it is viewed as an enduring objective.
Secondly, whether the Taliban remain in power or in the opposition, the war on Afghanistan’s soil is likely to continue in different forms. This suggests that relations between the Taliban and the TTP will remain warm, with far-reaching implications for Pakistan. A UN report stated that Taliban fighters joined the TTP in its war against Pakistan and that the TTP established training camps and safe havens in Afghanistan. Earlier, the Taliban released hundreds of TTP fighters from Afghan prisons, who later joined their comrades.
Thirdly, the Afghan Taliban do not appear willing to curb the TTP. The jihadist forces led by the TTP are engaged in a bitter insurgency against Pakistan. The continued surge in terrorist incidents has created turmoil across the country, while the southern districts of KP and Balochistan remain in a persistent state of instability. Militancy has swiftly become one of Pakistan’s greatest national security threats. The TTP is ideologically aligned with the Afghan Taliban and, after the merger of militant groups, its strength reportedly reached 30,000 fighters.
Soon after the Taliban’s dramatic return to power in Afghanistan in August 2021, TTP suicide attacks and other destabilizing activities surged, prompting Pakistan to carry out airstrikes on TTP leaders and training camps inside Afghanistan. Deadly clashes between Taliban and Pakistani forces also erupted along the Durand Line, where militants continue to exploit the rugged terrain and maintain operational freedom under the cover of darkness.
Pakistan’s long war against terrorism is far from over. As militancy continues to evolve across the region, the country faces an enduring security challenge that demands sustained vigilance, national unity and a comprehensive strategy to safeguard peace and stability.
—The writer is based in Swabi and his areas of interest are Afghanistan and South Asian affairs ( [email protected] )
01 / The briefing
The writer traces Pakistan's security predicament back to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in December 1979, arguing that the resulting build-up of jihadist networks reshaped the security landscape of the whole region in ways few anticipated at the time. Hopes that the post-Soviet withdrawal and, later, the fall of Kabul in 2021 would settle the border, the piece argues, have instead been followed by a resurgence of violence.
The analysis sets out the author's reading of why the conflict persists: Pakistan regards some regional and external actors as opposed to its interests; the piece argues that despite the change of government in Kabul, groups such as the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) have kept operating from Afghan territory, with the author citing a UN report on Taliban fighters and released prisoners joining TTP ranks; and TTP's estimated strength is put at roughly 30,000 fighters after mergers with other militant factions.
The piece links this to a visible rise in attacks after August 2021, including a bombing near the Islamabad district courts that prompted Pakistan's defence minister to describe the country as being 'in a state of war,' and to continued clashes along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. It closes by arguing that Pakistan's security challenge now spans Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan and will require sustained, coordinated policy rather than a single decisive campaign.
Why it matters
This is directly relevant to Pakistan Affairs, Current Affairs and International Relations answers on counterterrorism policy, Pakistan-Afghanistan relations and regional security -- a good example of how a single newspaper analysis blends history, current events and policy argument.
02 / Key arguments
What should enter your answer?
- 1
The writer traces today's militancy back to the jihadist build-up that followed the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in 1979.
- 2
The piece argues that the Afghan Taliban's return to power in 2021 did not end cross-border militancy, and cites a UN report alleging continued links between Taliban fighters and the TTP.
- 3
TTP's estimated strength, per the article, has grown to around 30,000 fighters following mergers with other militant groups.
- 4
The author frames counterterrorism as an unfinished, evolving challenge rather than a contained or resolved problem.
03 / Evidence desk
Facts worth retaining
- December 1979
- Soviet occupation of Afghanistan began
- August 2021
- Afghan Taliban's return to power
- ~30,000 fighters
- TTP's estimated strength (article's figure)
- Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan
- Regions cited as most affected
04 / Vocabulary
Use the language precisely
- Jihadist forces
- Armed militant groups that frame their violence in religious terms, as referenced in the article's account of post-1979 Afghanistan.
- Insurgency
- An organised, often prolonged armed rebellion against a government or occupying power.
- Safe haven
- A location where armed groups can operate, train or regroup with relative freedom from attack.
- Merger (militant)
- The combining of separate armed factions into one organisation, typically increasing its combined strength.
05 / Syllabus map
06 / Think further
Questions for discussion
How far back should analysts trace the roots of today's Pakistan-Afghanistan security tensions?
What does the article suggest about the limits of a purely military response to cross-border militancy?
Why might mergers between militant factions change how a state responds to them?
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